語言學萬歲

Date

Content

11/26[四]

嘉大98語析

11/28[六]

http://www.eric.ed.gov/

在右上角的home 旁邊的 search Eric上點Advanced search

然後在full text 的部分打勾 在加上想要找語料的關鍵字

就可以找到想要有附pdf全檔的語料

ozzy  2010/01/04

這是我在Wiki

看到的 Wade-Glides, Tongyong, Hanyu 與IPA的對照表

http://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%A8%81%E5%A6%A5%E7%91%AA%E6%8B%BC%E9%9F%B3

大家可以看一下 這三種漢語音標的標法與IPA的差異

也可以順便review一下 漢語在IPA的音標    XDD

以下是大家要寫的考題的學校

麻煩大家列印出來,列印98-95即可...

依蓉-成大

naomi-政大

我-暨南-印語言分析+中英對比分析+語言學短文評論

以下這個問題是酒肉提出的...你們想看看有啥想法?

我們禮拜3.4來討論ㄅㄟ....

Please explain why the utterances made by the mechanical devices sound odd and unnatural. [8%]

以下是景芃給的有關漢語的網址喔....

http://moodle.ncnu.edu.tw/mod/resource/index.php?id=8875

真的很實用ㄟ.....一定要看喔...

unfriend刪好友 《牛津》年度風雲字
中時電子報╱尹德瀚／綜合報導 2009-11-18 02:49 
調整字級：
中國時報【尹德瀚／綜合報導】
《新牛津美語辭典》（New Oxford American Dictionary）評選二○○九年「年度風雲字彙」（Word of the

以下 這篇報導 是我在BBC 看到的

我們之前在綠本念到 大部分左腦都是控制語言機制的地方

但這篇新的研究報告指出  不同大腦控制不同的語言  :)

有空可以看看   我順便附上網址   有影音檔可以聽 

http://ppt.cc/UxpO

這是今天看到奇摩首頁的新聞...

跟Language Acquisition有關的..

看到超shock的...語言終於在台灣被受重視了...所以才在yahoo首頁阿[內心的os....]

嬰兒嚎啕大哭的聲音，聽在全世界睡眠不足的爸媽耳裡可能沒有差別。不過科學家指出，事實完全相反，嬰兒從出生的第一天開始，哭聲就隨著父母的母語音調發展。  

一支國際研究團隊找來60個新生兒進行實驗，結果發現，嬰兒在子宮裡就開始學習語言，這比他們冒出第一個字、開始牙牙學語早了許多。而且他們的哭聲可以用母語來區別。

這是我剛剛在找95中正語析那題漢語的詞性變調,

偶然找到的網站~ 超棒的!

http://tw.myblog.yahoo.com/jw!XmwyWJGaBRk5PO3qtnLiUAap6d6Mag--/archive?l=f&id=13

開啟連結後

請點選語概筆記123~超多有關華語的語概

The Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) is a phonological hypothesis that states that (certain) consecutive identical features are banned in underlying representations. For instance, it is commonly thought in phonology that no morpheme is allowed to contain two consecutive high tones. If two consecutive high tones appear within a single morpheme, some rule must have applied. Maybe one of the surface high-tone vowels was underlyingly high-toned, while the other was underlyingly toneless. Then, since all vowels must have tone at the surface (in this hypothetical language), the high tone of the one vowel spreads onto the other (see autosegmental phonology). Alternatively, one (or both) of the vowels may have started out low-toned and became high-toned due to the application of some rule; or perhaps there was a low tone between the two high tones that got deleted at some point. Regardless, the OCP claims that there can not have been two consecutive high tones (nor two consecutive low tones, etc.) in the underlying representation of the morpheme, i.e. in the morpheme's lexical entry.
The locus classicus of the OCP is Leben (1973), in which it was formulated as a morpheme-structure constraint precluding sequences of identical tones from underlying representations. In autosegmental phonology (Goldsmith 1976), with articulated conceptions about associations between featural melodies and skeletal units (i.e. CV phonology, see McCarthy 1979, McCarthy 1981, Steriade 1982, Clements & Keyser 1983), moraic phonology (Hyman 1985, Hayes 1989), the OCP was considered to be relevant to adjacent singly-linked melodies but not to doubly-linked melodies. The OCP in this 'rules and constraints' era was no longer simply a constraint on underlying forms, but also began to play a role in the course of a phonologicalderivation. McCarthy (1986) proposed that the OCP can actively block the application of or repair the output of phonological rules, while Yip (1988) attempted to extend the role of the OCP to trigger the application of rules as well. However, there was also a strong opposition to the OCP as a formal constraint in phonological theory, headed by David Odden. Odden (1986) showed that, contrary to the contemporaneous assumption that constraints were inviolable, an examination of African tonal systems reveals many apparent surface violations of the OCP. A lively debate continued between John McCarthy and David Odden for several years, with each adding an extra 'anti-' to the title of the previous article of the other - e.g. "Anti anti-gemination and the OCP" (Odden 1988), a reply to McCarthy (1986).
In Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince & Smolensky 2004), the OCP has been again redefined as a violable constraint. Yet many issues as to its precise formal character remain: (i) locality - what is the domain of the OCP (i.e. strict adjacency? etc.) and how is the domain represented in the theory; (ii) near-identical sequences - many languages show an OCP-like resistance to sequences of segments that differ in just one distinctive feature; is this the effect of the OCP, some other constraint? If the latter, how is this constraint formally related to the OCP; (iii) status as an OT constraint - is the OCP a single constraint, or is it the local self-conjunction of markedness constraints (Alderete 1997)? These and other issues related to the OCP continue to be hotly debated in phonological theory.